Alfred SANT
Alfred SANT

Grupul Alianței Progresiste a Socialiștilor si Democraților din Parlamentul European

Membru

Malta - Partit Laburista (Malta)

Data nașterii : , Sliema

Explicații scrise ale votului Alfred SANT

Deputații pot să depună o explicație scrisă privind modul în care au votat în ședință plenară. Articolul 194

Semestrul european pentru coordonarea politicilor economice 2024 (A9-0063/2024 - René Repasi) EN

13-03-2024

There are relatively wide differences of views in this Parliament about the direction of economic policy.
So, discussions within the European semester process tend to settle around compromises based on a common denominator approach.
This is vitiating whatever value added the Parliament could bring to the semester process.
The situation is carried over from year to year.
Additionally this year, the discussion has been overshadowed by ongoing discussions on the Economic Governance Review that will qualify the political discourse on this process for the coming years.
From the socialist side, the importance of the social dimension in the European Semester needs to be further emphasized, as has repeatedly been done over the years, coupled to the call for more public and private investment in the economy.
Results obtained remain disappointing.
Current rules allow, indeed encourage, governments to treat investment as the residual within their budgeting arrangements that can be adjusted downwards in order to satisfy SGP requirements.
Meanwhile, growing disparities are being recorded in the standards of living of Europeans, from North to South and from West to East, while in most national contexts, social inequalities are on the rise.
On both fronts, the contribution of this House has hardly been inspiring.

Orientări pentru bugetul 2025 – Secțiunea III (A9-0068/2024 - Victor Negrescu) EN

13-03-2024

I voted in favour of the 2025 Budget guidelines because of the general approach it takes towards major priorities supported by the progressive side of the European Parliament, including support for societal cohesion, the green deal, and the digitalization of the EU economy.
It also embraces the idea of the EU budget as a European investment tool in line with the role of major EU funding programmes such as InvestEU and the Recovery and Resilience Facility.
Furthermore, I fully support the Parliament’s position on the continuation of EU aid to Palestine, and in this regard, funding for the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).
This position is not only important from a financial aspect, but it also provides a clear political message in the context of the War in Gaza.
In this respect, Parliament should well consider cutting any EU financing collaboration with Israel.
Finally, I must emphasise my total reservations on EU funding dedicated to defence.
The EU budget should not serve to fund defence capabilities or weapons.
This contradicts the neutrality status of some of its Member States as well as the idea of the EU project as a peace project.

Modificarea anumitor regulamente în domeniul serviciilor financiare și al sprijinului pentru investiții în ceea ce privește anumite cerințe de raportare (A9-0026/2024 - Othmar Karas) EN

12-03-2024

This proposal seeks to rationalize and simplify reporting requirements (in the internal market, particularly the financial services sector, and the InvestEU Programme) thereby reducing administrative burdens without compromising policy goals.
The initiative aligns with the Commission's emphasis, according to current administrative jargon, on achieving objectives, at “minimum cost, ensuring efficiency, and facilitating evidence-informed policy-making”.
The significance of reporting requirements in enforcing legislation is accepted but as new regulations were introduced, disproportionate burdens have been imposed, especially on smaller enterprises.
The proposal aims to streamline reporting obligations by reducing duplication and enhancing data exchange between authorities, which is still deficient.
Coupled with safeguards for data protection and business confidentiality, it is a step towards a more streamlined and effective regulatory framework.
I voted for the proposal.
Overall, it presents a balanced, proactive approach to regulatory reform.
Actually, it amounts as well to a sad comment on the state of the capital markets union, with especial reference to financial services.
Progress is incremental, with steps forward conditioned by too many provisos.
These serve to generate the administrative complications which proposals like the present one seek to revisit and lighten.
Sometimes the process amounts to running on the spot, at best to a game of two steps forward one step back.

Punerea în aplicare a politicii de securitate și apărare comune – raportul anual pe 2023 (A9-0403/2023 - Sven Mikser) EN

28-02-2024

This Report fails to account for the unique security and defence characteristics of individual Member-States.
Malta's status as a neutral country prohibits participation in the projects of military alliances, unless they are backed by the UN.
The report's premises for EU action contradict this commitment.
Moreover I fundamentally disagree with the creation of a military dimension to the EU.
This is not to deny that member states have the right to create/participate in a European or other military alliance, if they so wish.
Doing this however in the framework of the EU is not the right option.
It will stamp the EU globally with the image of a military power bloc.
And it will inevitably override the interests of neutral member states in the Union.
A European military and defence policy, if decided, had better be pursued in the context of a European Defence Community with separate structures from those of the EU even if operating in parallel with them.
Therefore I cannot agree with amendments to current rules that would confirm qualified majority voting for decisions on the CFSP and CSDP.
Similarly, I disagree with the establishment of a European Defence Commissioner.
So, I voted against this Resolution.

Activitățile financiare ale Băncii Europene de Investiții - raportul anual 2023 (A9-0031/2024 - David Cormand) EN

28-02-2024

As the lending arm of the EU, the EIB remains a crucial financial instrument in support of the EU’s political priorities
It is worrying that the pressure to turn the Bank into a defence bank persists.
The weapons industry has clearly all interests in such a turn.
This despite the fact that that the EIB already has a number of initiatives which are in their nature related to the defence industry.
Actually, there is no evidence of a financing gap in this area.
To further increase military funding, and legitimize ammunition or military equipment under EIB financing, would equate to a severe reduction in the financing of other core areas, including Green Deal and Digitalisation projects.
Moreover, “militarising” the EIB profile would negatively affect the ESG rating of the Bank.
The consequences of the loss of credibility with financial investors are difficult to quantify but are likely to be long lasting.
Finally, as a “defence bank” engaged in the financing of military projects, the EIB would undermine politically those member states (share holders) having a neutral status.
Consequently, expanding EIB financing towards the military industry is and will remain for me a political red line.
I have voted against this report.

Instituirea Mecanismului pentru Ucraina (A9-0286/2023 - Michael Gahler, Eider Gardiazabal Rubial) EN

27-02-2024

Support for the Ukraine is a legitimate policy aim for the EU, given that the invasion of the country by Russia is a flagrant violation of international law within the European space.
Such support needs to be well organised, efficient and subject to full accountability.
The proposed Regulation to establish the Ukraine facility is a good attempt to achieve these objectives and merits approval.
It presents a crucial EU commitment to provide substantial financial backing of 50 billion euros for Ukraine, over the period 2024-2027. This addresses the immediate needs stemming from the ongoing conflict in that country and will facilitate long-term reconstruction and modernization efforts.
Including the entire EU support for Ukraine within a single instrument enhances efficiency and accountability.
Important provisions are attached to ensure macroeconomic stability, leverage frozen Russian assets for reconstruction, and bolster the role of Ukrainian stakeholders in the planning and implementation processes.
Social, gender, and climate parameters defining the Regulation ensure that it reflects European shared values and priorities.
Furthermore, it incorporates measures to combat corruption and promote transparency.
The establishment of mechanisms for monitoring, scrutiny, and accountability underscores a commitment to responsible governance and effective oversight.
I voted for the Regulation.

Plăți instant în euro (A9-0230/2023 - Michiel Hoogeveen) EN

07-02-2024

I voted in favour of this proposal for several reasons. Firstly, the current framework laid out by Regulation (EU) No 260/2012 serves as the foundation for the single euro payments area. Updating this regulation to accommodate instant credit transfers in euro reflects the evolving nature of payment systems and promotes innovation, market development, and increased competition.
Secondly, the proposal aims to address the low uptake of instant credit transfers in euro across the EU. By establishing uniform rules and technical requirements for instant credit transfers, including cross-border transactions, the regulation seeks to enhance efficiency, reduce market fragmentation, and provide benefits to both payment service users and providers.
Additionally, the gradual introduction of obligations, such as offering instant credit transfer services and complying with EU sanctions, allows payment service providers sufficient time to adapt and implement necessary changes effectively. Harmonizing charges for instant credit transfers with charges for other types of credit transfers ensures fairness and encourages the adoption of instant payment methods.
Overall, supporting this regulation aligns with the goal of creating a more integrated and efficient payments market within the EU while ensuring the security and accessibility of instant credit transfers for all stakeholders involved.

Statul de drept și libertatea mass-mediei în Grecia (B9-0098/2024) EN

07-02-2024

As with other similar rule of law resolutions, I have abstained on this resolution. This is because I am profoundly mistrustful of the approaches deployed in this House to review cases that are raised here about breaches of the rule of law in EU Member States.
I have my own reservations and negative judgements regarding the current Greek Government’s treatment of media freedom. That, however, is not the point.
Agreed, rule of law issues are central to the identity of the Union and will need to remain like so whether the it is widened, deepened or consolidated on its present basis. Consequently, such issues need to be considered clinically and to the greatest extent possible, objectively, which is far from being the case here.
All too frequently rule of law matters are considered in a polarised manner that is equivalent to playing political football. Serious problems are trivialised while trivial concerns are blown out of proportion according to which government is under review. This has been a repeated experience in the case of Malta. Unless the review of rules of law cases by EU institutions is reformed from the ground up, it will remain a flawed and unconvincing process.

Conștiința istorică europeană (A9-0402/2023 - Sabine Verheyen) EN

17-01-2024

I voted in favour of this report because it recognises the multifaceted nature of Europe’s past, acknowledging its complex, conflict-ridden and contested history.
It also addresses historical injustices rooted in gender, belief and ethnicity.
The report emphasises the need to avoid relativizing, distorting, or falsifying history for political purposes, underscoring the significance of interdisciplinary approaches and contextualisation in history education.
Furthermore, I support the report’s call for a broader and more holistic understanding of European history, including the historical experiences of underrepresented groups.
It is crucially important to move towards a citizens-driven ‘culture of remembering’ based on common European principles, values and a critical reworking of the past.
The stress laid on this issue is commendable.
Overall, I endorse the report as I agree that it is necessary to foster a critical historical consciousness to enable Europeans to understand, confront and learn from their past.
All this having been said, one could fault in the report’s overall approach on one aspect. Strangely, it does not seem be completely liberated from a euro-centric perspective, one which implicitly considers European history and the consciousness about it that needs to be promoted, as a basic measuring rod for the calibration of large-scale and small-scale historical experiences elsewhere.

Reducerea favorizării îndatorării și limitarea deductibilității dobânzii în scopul impozitului pe profit (A9-0387/2023 - Luděk Niedermayer) EN

16-01-2024

I have abstained on this report because I am in fundamental disagreement with how progress towards a capital markets union is being piloted. The controversies surrounding this report illustrate the problem. The CMU project – deemed as essential by all big-time EU representatives and speakers – is being articulated through small step-by-step measures that have not achieved meaningful results.
So, the proposal endorsed by this report, vital for CMU though it should be, seems not to have achieved sufficient political clarity or traction. Should the tax system serve to bolster bank lending by firms for investment purposes instead of financing investments via the issue of fresh equity? Should tax structures be changed to promote the latter?
The upsides and downsides of debt-equity bias reduction vis-à-vis corporate income tax still requires adequate political resolution. But a coherent political will to implement a European capital markets union is absent. Consequently, it is futile to engineer small ‘forward’ steps, as with this resolution, that by their very cautious and tentative nature are inadequate and lack business credibility.

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